Important Note: Strategic Meetings between Committee and Board Members will begin in Spring of 2027.  Your organization can "Schedule Meetings," Group or One-on-One, on the official and private "Summit Engagement Platform" available ONLY to official designates.

The October 19th, Afternoon Workshops: 1 PM - 5 PM

The Legal & Legislative Workshops: Global, Federal & State Law & the Intelligence Economy

The future of AI may well be decided by a global legal authorities, perhaps more than it is by the technology itself.  State law, Federal Law and international law will all have their moments in the legislative sun.  Even in this country,  four state capitals are not writing the same law. They are writing four different theories of who may train, who may power, and who may ship. Brussels now enforces the AI Act on general-purpose models and transparency, with the AI Office able to demand documentation, evaluate weights, and fine. High-risk rules slipped to late 2027. Compute is being recast as sovereignty, not a utility. Washington is the inverse: a 50-state battleground below, and a federal fast lane above. FERC is forcing large-load interconnection. DOE is turning old nuclear sites into powered campuses. Export control is moving from chips to remote access and model files. London designated data centers critical infrastructure, put 1 megawatt sites under Ofcom, and is making developers post hundreds of millions to stay in the grid queue while it carves AI Growth Zones. Beijing is building a national compute grid on domestic silicon and considering outbound controls on weights and training data.

Government agencies inherit four clocks, four enforcement cultures, and four definitions of a data center. Industry inherits one balance sheet that has to clear all four. A campus that is legal in Texas can be a controlled good in Brussels, a deposit in Britain, and a denied license in Shenzhen. This session is for counsel, operators, and agencies who have to live in more than one of those rooms at once. The first movers will be the ones who stop treating “global AI regulation” as a single file.

The split is not only on the map. It is in the newsroom, on the campaign trail, and at the county hearing. Boomer states treat compute as a national resource and race to lock power, water, and permits. Doomer states treat the same factories as a ratepayer, water, and land-use emergency and write the brakes. Media, governors, attorneys general, and the public are now parties to the negotiation, not spectators. Texas and Utah are writing behind-the-meter generation, queue audits, and large-load tariffs so households do not subsidize the factory. Virginia and Arizona are taxing the kilowatt-hour and pausing incentives. New York paused 50 megawatt permits. Ohio froze new tax breaks while two Intelligence Factories sit in the queue. Local boards from Loudoun to Box Elder are imposing moratoria that statewide statutes never contemplated. Editorial pages and 2026 campaigns have turned interconnection into a culture fight. This session is a working negotiation, not a debate club. Counsel, operators, and statehouses put the actual frameworks on the table: liability, offtake, water, revenue, preemption, and what survives the next election. The states that close first will set the law the rest of the country has to live inside.

The Intelligence Economy is being written in statehouses, not in Washington. By mid-2026 states had enacted more than 100 AI laws and nearly 30 data center statutes, with hundreds more bills still moving. This session maps that battlefield and sets the agenda for the people who have to live inside it. Virginia now taxes data center power at 1.1 cents per kilowatt-hour and requires 25 megawatt loads to carry their own grid costs. Arizona paused new sales-tax exemptions through 2029 and forced public power to report extra-high load customers. Texas put the Responsible AI Governance Act into force, wrote curtailment rules for large loads, and ordered an audit of hundreds of gigawatts sitting in the ERCOT queue. New York paused discretionary permits on 50 megawatt facilities. Utah’s SB 132 lets 100 megawatt users build behind the meter so households do not subsidize the factory. Ohio froze new tax breaks while it studies two newly permitted Intelligence Factories. Colorado repealed its comprehensive AI act. California and Connecticut are writing frontier and transparency rules that travel with every model. The room works the 50-state map as a live instrument: who is locking power and permitting, who is writing the brakes, and which statutes will still be standing when the next training cluster comes online. First movers write the rules. Everyone else inherits them.

A gigawatt is now a legal object. Who pays when the load arrives, who is liable when it leaves, who owns the water, and who keeps the tax base: those four questions decide whether an Intelligence Factory can be financed. What the hearing rooms rarely say out loud is that the industry is already changing the equation. Hyperscalers are no longer only asking the grid for power. They are building it. Behind-the-meter gas, co-located nuclear, reactor restarts, and on-site storage are being written into the campus itself so households do not carry the bill. The Trump administration has backed the same model: a Ratepayer Protection Pledge signed by the major labs, federal sites turned into powered campuses, nuclear loan support, and fast-track private generation. Energy Secretary Wright has called these “islands” of production and consumption. The naysayers, the water and ratepayer lobby, and a class of politicians keep reciting the 2024 script as if none of that exists. This session puts the actual contracts on the table: interconnection and offtake, stranded-asset liability, closed-loop water rights, and the revenue tools states invent when the old exemption dies. Counsel who ignore the new generation stack will draft the wrong law.

Innovation is compounding on a 90-day cycle. Law is compounding on a two-year session. That gap is the quagmire. By mid-2026 states had passed more than 100 AI statutes and nearly 30 data center laws, while hundreds of bills and more than 200 local moratoria were still in motion. Congress tried to preempt the states and failed. Colorado wrote the most ambitious AI act in the country and then repealed it under litigation. Virginia taxes the kilowatt-hour. Arizona froze incentives. New York paused 50 megawatt permits. Texas is auditing a queue measured in hundreds of gigawatts. County boards are writing rules no legislature ever voted on. Federal process, public utility commissions, interconnection studies, and water boards sit between a signed term sheet and a live campus. The factories, the models, and the behind-the-meter plants are not waiting for the calendar. Operators now live inside three clocks at once: the training run, the election, and the permit. This session is for counsel and principals who have to close deals inside that mess. The next 24 months will be harder, not cleaner. The jurisdictions that learn to move process at the speed of compute will own the decade. The rest will legislate after the capacity is already gone.